The first three
parts :
- Evaluation and Vision of the Future
- Proposals and Projects
- Report on the Participatory Process Used
for the Evaluation and Future of the Alliance
- The second
stage of the Alliance :
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THE SECOND STAGE OF THE ALLIANCE
By Pierre Calame pic@fph.fr
First Contribution to a Collective Thinking Process
B/ Present Assets and Weaknesses of the Alliance
As It Faces the Changing Challenges of the World
1. Assets
a) The need to build a world civil society that
is capable of designing and steering vast mutations is newly confirmed
every day. The existence, success, and limits of the Social Forums
are a good demonstration of this. The construction of an Òanti-globalization
coalitionÓ has shown the latterÕs ability to resist. Nonetheless,
this resistance is likely to fail if it does not turn into an ÒAlliance
for another globalization.Ó However, an ÒantiÓ coalition and a ÒproÓ
Alliance do not respond to the same logic. It is easier to face
a common challenge together than to build credible alternatives
jointly. More than ever the Òalliance projectÓÑwith all that it
implies in terms of duration in its work, openness to diversity,
confrontation of different points of view, the elaboration of common
proposals and implementation strategiesÑis indispensable. In my
view, the Alliance is more relevant today, has a greater vision,
and is more necessary than ever. The stubbornness with which we
have defended these ideas year after year, the thinking capital
that we have accumulated, our strong presence in world forums to
contribute proposals and to help them to be elaborated gives the
Alliance an ever greater moral credit. Whatever its limits and contradictions,
this endeavor is unique in the world.
b) The Charter of Human Responsibilities, given
the way in which it has been elaborated and its discussion in the
different Socioprofessional Networks, can become a reference. There
can be no governance without a common ethical reference. The interdependence
among societies and with the biosphere has gradually brought about
awareness of the larger definition of responsibility on which the
Charter has been built.
c) The first stage of the Alliance has made it
possible to achieve a true prototype, a scale model for dialogue
within a world society. The World Citizens Assembly was its symbol,
both through the diversity of its participants and through its progress,
which was designed as an itinerary, a shortcut in the necessary
dialogue within every socioprofessional sphere, among different
spheres, among the regions of the world, and among the challenges.
This prototype has made it possible, as for the vocation of any
prototype, to explore all the limitations of such a dialogue and
to test appropriate answers. This prototype now makes it possible
to consider a change of scale.
d) The sixty Proposal Papers and the work of the
World Citizens Assembly have made it possible to determine the main
lines and the priorities of an Agenda for the Twenty-first Century,
which expresses the major changes that need to be made. The summarization
of these sixty Papers made it possible to test methodological tools.
The deliberation of the Papers by all the Allies is making it possible
to test others.
e) The socioprofessional approach allowed in 2000-2001
a considerable enlargement of the social and professional diversity
of our approaches with the constitution of workgroups
f)made up of the military, jurists, union activists,
company managers, engineers, financiers, shareholders, local elected
officials, civil servants, etc., beyond that which had thus far
constituted the AllianceÕs center of gravity. The idea of a process
organized to last a long time, providing a stable work protocol
and clear deadlines without being institutionalized, seems more
familiar today that it was in 1994. The Web site itself has been
developed according to a similar logic. The Continental and World
Social Forums share the same intuitions on a number of points. The
need to set up, for this type of Ònew collective being,Ó a new framework
of thinking and governance, different from the usual political,
union, or organization references, has begun to appear more clearly.
g) The considerable challenge of setting up information
systems in several languages among the Allies and with the outside
world has been met. We have both the appropriate technical tools
(organization of the Web site, electronic forums, remotely managed
data bases) and a significant learning capacity: most these tools
have been perfected several times and have been accompanied by human
skills that can transfer this know-how. The mapping team mobilized
for the third World Social Forum and the team of public writers
(DPH) mobilized at the World Citizens Assembly are illustrations
of this.
h) The Call for Initiatives, launched by the FPH
in the spring of 2002 to help those who wished to begin to write
Òthe blank pageÓ of the second stage of the Alliance, was amply
successful. Answers to the Call have covered the different facets
of the Alliance: circulation and transposition of the Charter of
Human Responsibilities, organization of Regional or National Citizens
Assemblies, organization of information systems to network the innovations,
development of the Socioprofessional Networks, further elaboration
of the thematic proposals. These answers have also shown that the
early Allies are aware of the need to no longer count mainly on
resources from the FPH. They have also made it possible to discover
new partners.
i) Close to 40% of the participants of the World
Assembly answered the assessment questionnaires on Lille, even though
for a lot of them that was their first contact with the Alliance.
It may therefore be possible to maintain in the long run the social,
professional, and cultural diversity of the world that the Assembly
symbolized, if there is constant effort in that direction. The idea
of a World Parliament of Citizens in 2010 has raised a lot of interest
and appears more Utopian to me, unless discussion begins now on
designing the methods for it.
j) The present world crisis, triggered by George
W. BushÕs unilateralism, demonstrates the emergency of setting up
a form of legitimate, democratic, and efficient global governance,
which the official governments of the world cannot even conceive.
Under these conditions, the perspectives that we have begun to outline
are particularly relevant today: although a world democratic government
may not be for tomorrow, the dialogue, consultation, proposals,
assessment, and mediation of an organized world civil society is
irreplaceable.
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