The first three
parts :
- Evaluation and Vision of the Future
- Proposals and Projects
- Report on the Participatory Process Used
for the Evaluation and Future of the Alliance
- The second
stage of the Alliance :
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THE SECOND STAGE OF THE ALLIANCE
By Pierre Calame pic@fph.fr
First Contribution to a Collective Thinking Process
C/ Perspectives for the Second Stage of the Alliance
(2003-2010)
a) A second seven-year
stage ending with a World Parliament of Citizens
The Alliance has given itself a second stage of
seven years culminating with the organization of a World Parliament
of Citizens. This stage is made up of three periods:
- 2003-2006, ending with an interregional meeting defining the
specifications for the organization of the Parliament on the
basis of a twofold global representationÑgeocultural and socioprofessionalÑinspired
from Lille
- 2007-2009, ending with an inter-socioprofessional world meeting
defining
the list of the significant organizations likely to send representatives
to
the Parliament
- 2010, the year of the Parliament, which will be a 12-month
process with 11 months of remote work, and one month of Assembly
b) A change of scale leading
to multiple alliances
The general idea, reflecting the move from the
World Citizens Assembly of 2001 to the World Parliament of Citizens
in 2010, is one of a new change of scale. This is what we did already
in the early stage by moving from the Òpreliminary convention for
the States-General of the PlanetÓ of 1993, which gave birth to the
Alliance, to the World Assembly of 2001. We have, in 2003, what
I have called a prototype: an Assembly, the Socioprofessional Networks,
the Workshops, the Proposals, a Web site, methodological toolsÉ
This prototype has enabled a first exploration of all the challenges
of this adventure. The change of scale is not going to consist in
Òdoing the same thing but bigger,Ó all the less so that the world
context has itself changed. We are entering a new phase of invention
where each of the dimensions of the Alliance must explore the means
of its own change of scale.
This change of scale doesn't consist in Òdoing
biggerÓ what we Òdid small.Ó Rather, it is a way of exploiting all
of the progress we have made in multiple ways.
For example, in 2000-2001, we were able to set
up the prototype of about twenty Socioprofessional Networks: farmers,
inhabitants, company managers, engineers, academics, women, researchers,
journalists, shareholders, etc. Each of these groups was fairly
limited, but it allowed us to see the interest of the working methods
and to draw the main lines of the possible social contract between
every socioprofessional sphere and the rest of society. The upcoming
change of scale now depends on our capacity, in every sphere, to
find concerns that are close to ours, to find an echo in pre-existing
networks, and to set up multiple alliances.
Similarly, the methodology of the World Citizens
Assembly can be transposed to regional or national citizens assemblies.
We cannot, however, expect a hundred, a thousand assemblies of this
type to be organized in the coming years. But if the idea of a citizens
assembly finds an echo in such or such a region, such or such a
country, or such or such a continent, if it proposes a way of doing
things that meets the needs of a society in a small number of cases,
if it is promoted by social or political forces, the change of scale
will happen by itself, selectively.
c) Setting up a form of
governance for the Alliance that is truly adapted to its nature
and inspired from the common principles of governance
During the year 2003, we set up the Ògovernance
of the AllianceÓ by applying the principles of governance that were
determined progressively by our work. The general philosophy of
this Òrevolution in governanceÓ is exposed in Proposal Paper N¡
9 on the common principles for a governance adapted to the challenges
of the twenty-first century. This Paper has already been translated
and is being circulated in four languages.
To open the debate, I would like to suggest the
following leads:
(1) Governance, when placed outside of the framework
of national identities, is founded on a social contract. Belonging
to a community is defined by every personÕs rights and responsibilities.
The Alliance has no ÒmembersÓ and the signature of a common platform
confers no rights. Being Òin an allianceÓ is defined by the commitments
made to others, by everyoneÕs participation in the common effort.
(2) While traditional governance is defined by
institutions, rules, and a distribution of jurisdiction, future
governance will be defined above all by objectives, ethical criteria,
and working systems. Hence:
- The AllianceÕs objective has to be expressed. It is the framework
according to which everyoneÕs commitments are defined. For me,
the objective is: Òto build a world society contributing to
face the major challenges of the twenty-first century, to define
and to steer the necessary mutations for humankind's survival
and development, in a spirit of responsibility, respect for
diversity, and solidarity; in order to achieve this, to constitute,
through experience and knowledge sharing, a force of evaluation,
protest, and proposal from the local level to the global level.Ó
- The ethical criteria are derived from the Charter of Human
Responsibilities, which we should adapt to our specific case,
as we did for different regions of the world and different socioprofessional
spheres, in order to constitute the Charter of the Alliance.
This charter would constitute the Òhouse rulesÓ of the Alliance.
Participation in the Alliance would involve commitment to respecting
this Charter.
- The working systems are constituted by the working methods
and calendars. They should therefore be an integral part of
the core of the Alliance.
(3) Governance of the Alliance, like any governance,
must be focused on making connections: between the local and the
global, among the different socioprofessional spheres, among the
cultures, among the challenges. We must verify that at all times
our working systems correspond to our objectives, privilege the
connections, and guarantee a maximum of unity and diversity.
(4) The principle of responsibility comes with
a requirement of transparency and accountability to others. This
applies of course to the FPH, but also to all the Allies.
(5) The idea of the legitimacy of exercising power
and responsibilities is essential. An action is legitimate if it
demonstrates commitment to the common effort and respect of the
objectives, the criteria, and the working systems.
d) Continuation of the
work according to the three paths: geocultural, socioprofessional,
and thematic
The development of the Alliance according to the
three pathsÑgeocultural, socioprofessional, and thematicÑhas been
confirmed. It is one of its main originalities because it recognizes
that the diversity of the world does not apply to just one dimension.
e) A diversified strategy
for the dissemination and ownership of the potential of the proposals
resulting from the Proposal Papers and the World Assembly
It seems to me that this should go in several directions:
(1) Circulation of the Papers in different languages,
both through written documents and through other mediaÑCD-ROMs,
DVDs, etc.Ñthat make it possible to organize all the accumulated
material, from summarization elements such as the Agenda for the
Twenty-first Century, then moving on to the Proposals, the supporting
experiences, and the working documents. The structuring of the Web
site makes this partly possible, but a CD-ROM makes it additionally
possible to include ÒnavigationÓ tools in this material (mapping
software, search engine, etc.).
(2) Collective ownership of the work of the Alliance
so we can move from a summary drawn up by a small group or by a
single person to a ÒpluralÓ reading of this work. The FPH has already
stated that it was ready to back collective thinking in this direction
in 2003.
(3) Confrontation of the priorities determined
by the Papers and the World Assembly with those determined by the
work and proposals of other movements.
(4) Decompartmentalization of the Papers: In 2000-2001,
the rule of the game was that everyone was to work on their own;
this is what made it possible for so many Papers to be completed
within the deadline. Now, however, the work needs to be decompartmentalized.
There are several ways to do this. For example, by starting work
on Òsecond generationÓ Papers, which would integrate, on a given
theme, contributions from the other Papers, or by drafting Òcross-cutting
PapersÓ around the strategic lines that were determined by the summarization
of the Papers and the World Assembly.
(5) Opening local debates on the Agenda or on the
whole series of Papers by setting up a Òsecond generationÓ of Local
Groups of the Alliance.
(6) Translation of the proposals into concrete
strategies for change. At the outcome of the first stage, proposals
have often remained in the state of general orientations. They need
to be translated into more concrete action plans at different scales.
The Alliance, due to its pluralism and its non-institutional nature,
is not able to lead campaigns as an entity, the way a traditional
social movement or organization focused on one topic, such as Greenpeace
or Amnesty International, can do so. It is, however, a forum of
relations among the Allies, which makes it possible for them to
propose to others a common action to which they are committed personally.
Respecting the objectives, the ethical criteria, and the working
methods should be the framework in which it might be possible to
define an ÒAlliance label,Ó i.e., the right to refer to the Alliance
and to use its logo, without committing the whole of the Allies
to an action.
f) Socioprofessional enlargement
Our 2001-2002 experience of having diversified
the Socioprofessional Networks seems to me essential for the future.
The existence of visible products of the AllianceÑthe Papers, the
Charter of Human Responsibilities, and the Agenda, make it now possible
to go further by making ÒpartialÓ alliancesÑthat is, without ÒforcingÓ
others to get involved in the Alliance itselfÑwith pre-existing
networks (unions, scientistsÕ associations, academic networks, womenÕs
movements, international networks of inhabitants, organizations
of local elected officials, social-economy networks, farmers' organizations,
company-managersÕ movements, etc.)
g) Development of Local,
National, and Regional Citizens Assemblies
During the first stage of the Alliance, we were
not able to find the means to support sustainably and for productive
purposes the Ògeocultural groupsÓ of the Alliance, although there
are a few exceptions. They did not reflect a broad enough socioprofessional
diversity. The involvement of Allies from a same region in different
Workshops did not necessarily inspire them to form a Local or Regional
Group. On the other hand, the preparation process of the World Assembly
has produced a proposal for working system on a local, national,
or regional scale, which is the Citizens Assembly. This system enables
progress according to the Òthree pathÓ method. It could be a way
of building common perspectives with the different existing networks.
Some of the participants in Lille expressed their wish to initiate
such a process. Those from Colombia have begun to work on one. I
believe this to be a very important perspective for the Alliance.
If by 2010 a small number of this type of assembly has been staged,
particularly in countries where the traditional democratic model
is in crisisÑArgentina, Venezuela, Palestine, Congo, etc.Ñthe Alliance
will have taken a great step forward.
h) Circulation, appreciation,
and transposition of the Charter
The value of the working process itself is tremendous.
The need to have a common ethical core on a world scale, and for
this core to be based on a broadened definition of responsibility
will be increasingly and extensively recognized.
The absurdity of a democratic system in which a
president considers that he is only accountable to his specific
voters, of an economic system where a CEO is only accountable to
his shareholders, of a scientific system where a researcher is only
accountable to his colleagues and his employer is increasingly being
revealed.
I therefore consider that the circulation, appreciation,
and transposition of the Charter are a priority of the second stage
of the Alliance. Perspectives are many, as for the Proposal Papers.
For example:
(1) Translation and circulation of the Charter
in many languages. Many participants of the World Assembly are prepared
to take initiatives in that direction. Edith Sizoo is prepared to
coordinate this work.
(2) Establishing contacts with spiritual leaders
to work on a common sharing and a broad visibility. For this, Makarand
Paranjape is going to take advantage of the organization in India
of the next World Social Forum.
(3) Using the Charter to promote an ethical foundation
on a regional, national, or local scale. Beno"t Derenne and Jacques
Onan have taken this type of initiative in the framework of the
debate on a European Constitution.
(4) Elaboration, with other networks, of an ethical
charter in different socioprofessional spheres, in the framework
of the second stage of the Socioprofessional Networks. Initiatives
in continuation of the work of 2000-2001 have already been taken
in the direction of scientists, executives and engineers, academics,
and companies. The Charter then appears as the foundation for a
new social contract.
i) Consolidation of an
information system using the confirmed experience of
the first stage
The information system. Earlier, I mentioned what
appeared to me to be the strengths and weaknesses of our present
information system and the FPHÕs impossibility to support it alone.
In a non-institutional process as that of the Alliance, however,
the information system is the condition for its survival, the equivalent
of blood circulation in the human body.
(1) What appears to me to be urgent is to reinstate
a regular information system, as inexpensive as possible, which
circulates the simplest possible information on Òwhat is going on
in the Alliance.Ó It is every AllyÕs duty to inform others of his/her
initiatives, and in my opinion this should be part of the Òhouse
rulesÓ of the Alliance.
Information is above all sharing Òwhat is happening.Ó
The ÒWhatÕs New?Ó produced twice a month by Pierre Johnson in 2000-2001
seems to me to be a model to be restored. This very brief information,
circulated if possible through the Internet, provided that in some
cases regional or local centers can furnish its translation and
postal routing, could refer to sources for more complete information
and data bases on the Web site, these same centers providing a postal
rerouting service to where access to the Web site is impossible.
(2) The Web site of the Alliance must maintain
its ÒturntableÓ function. The development of techniques and practices
should make it possible in the coming years to decentralize part
of the management of the Web site, with Thematic and Socioprofessional
Workgroups taking responsibility for the management of their own
area. But there must be a team with the permanent function of managing
and improving the general architecture of the Web site, and adapting
the common specifications of all the Networks that are set up in
relationship to the Alliance and which should refer to the main
Alliance Web site. This evolutionary standardization function appears
vital to me. Its aim is to ensure, as in any form of governance,
that unity and diversity are both met with.
(3) Facilitation of exchanges among Allies is another
function of the information system. We already have a varied experience
of e-forums and mailing lists. It shows that such exchanges must
be well regulated to be useful. Otherwise, information is only noise.
The Òpeace forumÓ experience set up on the initiative of Allies
around Richard PŽtris and Gustavo Marin after September 11th is
especially interesting, as well as the facilitation by Marti Olivella
and Laia Botey of the forum for the Enlarged International Facilitation
Team (EIFT). We will therefore need small teams to take responsibility
for the facilitation and transfer of their knowledge to others in
a field where technology changes rapidly.
(4) Two other interconnected ideas, a resource
center and a monitoring center, are beginning to take shape at the
crossroads of the Web site, the research systems, and experience-sharing
systems. On the initiative of a few Allies, two resource centers
have been set up as prototypes: RINOCEROS (Suzanne Humberset, Franoise
Feugas) on Responsible, Plural and United Development, and IRENEES
(Henri Bauer, Vincent Calame) on the art of peace. In the continuation
of the Socioprofessional Network of Academics, a monitoring center
for university reform (ORUS) is under construction (Alfredo Pena
Vega, Georges GarciaÉ). Another, WEEL, had been outlined in the
framework of the "Energy Workshop,Ó but has not made any headway.
Another could set up soon around the topic of environmental education
(POLIS-Yolanda Ziaka).
With common specifications, a constellation of
resource and monitoring centers linked to the Alliance Web site
could come into being. This would contribute to the pening of the
Alliance, preventing it from closing up on itself.
j) Development and circulation
of the tools and methods at the service of
the democracy
The success of the contribution of the Òmapping
teamÓ (implementation of the mapping tools to produce models of
the debates and proposals developed for the summarization of the
Proposal Papers and the World Assembly) at the last World Social
Forum shows that such methods are fundamental for the construction
of a true democratic debate. Terra Nova on its side has developed
the practice of deliberation tools (Delibera). We have adapted for
the Alliance, taking advantage of the Internet, the experience-management
methods developed with the DPH network. Many efforts are being made
elsewhere to provide world democracy with appropriate tools. Claude
Henry of the CNRS, the French national research center, is conducting
research with us on software for Òtooling alliances.Ó The Alliance
must be in the future a place for the development of these methods
in the spirit of free-software communities. It must also and above
all be an international collective forum for the sharing and learning
of these methods, in keeping with the idea that working systems
and methods, in the broad sense of the term, are an essential part
of the governance of the Alliance.
k) Action designed to address
the media, institutions, and political
authorities
The Alliance, a long-term effort with no spokesperson,
no spectacular action, no strong identity, responds neither to the
logic of a Òsociety of the spectacleÓ nor to that of the media.
Nevertheless, my conviction is that the wind is turning and the
need for an ÒAlliance for another globalizationÓ has become necessary,
without which protest and resistance actions will be lacking perspective.
But there is no possible centralized action that can be addressed
to the media. It is up to every Ally to say to him or herself that
he or she has a responsibility in this area and that it is possible
to refer explicitly to the collective intelligence of the Alliance
to speak out and to challenge things in his or her own name. Such
a visibility of the Alliance, more for its concrete efficiency than
through its own action, would be in keeping, in my view, with its
deep nature.
l) Exploitation of complementarities
with international forums, in
particular the Social Forums
I believe in the complementarity of the Alliance
with other international forums. They are indispensable to one another,
as underscored by Candido GrzybowskiÑone of the early Allies and
one of the instigators of the World Social ForumÑat the closing
of the Lille Assembly. How can we best take advantage of this complementarity,
among others with the WSF? On the basis of the experience of the
first three WSFs and of the first Regional Social Forums my personal
point of view is the following:
(1) I am more convinced than most of the Allies
of the limits of the present form of the WSF. If they do not manage
to provide better organization, and to be more diverse in their
recruitment and their themes, more democratic in their debates,
and more rigorous in the elaboration of alternatives, they will
rapidly collapse under the weight of their own success. Such a downfall
could be dramatic, it could spoil the efforts of collective hope.
It could reinforce the idea that there is no alternative to the
evolution of the worldÕs present course. It is therefore a collective
responsibility of the Alliance to help these forums to change by
providing them with methods and proposals, and by giving a cross-cultural
and cross-professional dimension to their organization committee.
(2) The yearly organization of the forums, provided
that this does not dissipate our energy, can offer an opportunity
to take regular stock of the progress of the Alliance by making
sure that the Allies participating in them are not only advocating
their own concerns but also the progress of the whole.
(3) The WSFs, unlike the Alliance, are media oriented.
They therefore offer a rare opportunity of visibility for the Alliance,
its objectives, its methods, and its proposals, provided that the
Allies are organized to promote this visibility in the colossal
fair that these Forums constitute.
I therefore think that we should jointly define
a strategy for the presence of the Alliance in these Forums: Allies
who go there can be the advocates of the image and the proposals
of the Alliance, the guarantee for diversity, the visibility of
the Alliance, and of the events that we organize there singly or
with others. A meeting on site two or three days before the Social
Forums would make it possible for the attending Allies to take stock
of the proposals and to ensure a much better dialogue and collective
visibility. A number of AlliesÑGustavo Marin, Siddhartha, Pierre
Vuarin, Marti Olivella, and Chan Hue GangÑhave participated regularly
or occasionally in the international committee of the WSF. We must
think about a way to ensure continuity and renewal of the mobility
of the Alliance.
m) Commitment of the Foundation
to what is most difficult to support and to
finance
Involvement of the Foundation in the second stage
of the Alliance. The FPHÕs orientations for 2003-2010 will be outlined
in April 2003 and finalized in June 2003. I can therefore express
myself on this subject only in my personal name:
(1) From the ethical point of view, in terms of
responsibility, the FPH cannot lose interest in the future of the
Alliance, as far as there is the same determination among the Allies.
(2) The Charter of Human Responsibilities says
that Òour responsibility is proportional to the knowledge and power
that each of us holds.Ó As long as the FPH continues to carry considerable
weight in the Alliance, for historical reasons and because of its
financial and methodological influence, it is its duty to give a
transparent account of its general strategy (which it did as early
as 1996) and of its partnerships and financial decisions (which
it has improved upon since the Call for Initiatives in the spring
of 2002).
(3) The orientations that I am thinking of submitting
to the Foundation Council are inspired from the same intuitions
that I have exposed here for the second stage of the Alliance. More
than ever, we must use our financial independence to enable that
which is essential but usually cannot find any financing: the construction
of connections at the service of a pluralistic world civil society,
work in the long term, and the elaboration of alternatives.
(4) Beyond the money, focus on the necessary methods
and disciplines for collective work is one of the specificities
and strengths of the FPH. We need to continue down this path.
(5) The FPH is only one of the components of the
Alliance. It has its own profile. It has its priorities. It has
its limits. From this point of view, I remain faithful to the orientations
that the Foundation Council defined in 1996: the FPH, within the
Alliance, must concentrate on that which is most difficult to carry
out or to finance, that which does not go spontaneously in the direction
of social movements. I am thinking in particular of the following
points: going toward the various socioprofessional spheres and developing
the socioprofessional networks that are most distant from the world
of NGOs; going toward the regions that are least present in the
Alliance, where it is not easy to go but where the future of the
world will be largely played out: China, India, the Anglo-Saxon
countries, Indonesia, Russia, Central Asia, etc.; making a constant
disciplined effort to avoid consensus among people who are predisposed
to believing in the same things, assuming the complexity of realities,
drawing up alternatives in a rigorous fashion, having strategies
for change built for the long term; taking an active part in the
maintenance and the development of the information system, the methods
and their circulation; advocating as a priority the proposals deriving
from the Agenda for the Twenty-first Century, governance and ethics,
which are not spontaneously the priorities of the civil-society
movements; backing the process of dissemination of the Charter;
supporting the setting up of systems for the assessment of the governance
of the Alliance, such as the implementation of the house Charter,
auditing the tools and methods, organizing yearly assessment meetings
on the occasion of the Social Forums; working for the AllianceÕs
long-term existence, in respect of the continuity and the timetables
and in a spirit of tolerance and pluralism; contributing to the
organization of the World Parliament of Citizens.
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